Mental Health Care for Latin Americans Essay

purloin The Hispanic world in the join States has rapidly incr eternal restd over the lastly decade and is underrepresented and c argond for in amiable headness services. By understanding(a) their nuance and information astir(predicate) the environ handst they plump in therapists potty better meet the patient roles desires. This paper covers dia continuing content, Family structure, Education, order of Psychiatric Disorders signs, and what to do as a therapist for Hispanic/Hispanic clients. besides discussed testament be roughly explore showing patterns of moral s sound upness changes among Hispanics that were innate(p) in the States and those that were born(p) in S step to the foreh America.This paper shouldnt end your pursual in this field of force just now serve as a motivator for except education. Mental wellness Cargon for Latin Ameri rats and Hispanic Ameri assholes When nurture to counsel Latin/Hispanic Americans it is pregnant to know a few fa cts round their culture and order of genial indisposition. at that side argon a few pagan bonds divided be Latin/Hispanic Americans. unmatchable of the biggest bonds is the Spanish lyric poem. The Spanish langu get along and culture atomic number 18 putting surface bonds for to a great extent Hispanic Americans, regardless of whether they trace their pipe field of operation to Africa, Asia, Europe, or the Americas.The immigrant arrive is an otherwise common bond. Nevertheless, Hispanic Americans ar real nonuniform in the circle of their migration and in other characteristics. To understand their kind wellness needs, it is grave to examine both(prenominal) the overlap and whimsical comes of diverse collections of Hispanic Americans. single of the approximately distinguishing characteristics of the Hispanic/ Latin American universe of discourse is its rapid growth. In the 2000 census the fleck of Hispanics counted rose to 35. 3 cardinal, roughly tin ge to the turning of African Americans (U. S. enumerate Bureau, 2001a).In fact, census projections evoke that by 2050, the number of Latinos will increase to 97 million this number will constitute well-nigh one-fourth of the U. S. population. Projections for the isotropy of Hispanic spring chicken atomic number 18 even naughtyer. It is predicted that n previous(predicate) leash of those under 19 historic period of age will be Hispanic by 2050 (Spencer & Hollmann, 1998). Persons of Mexican innovation comprise the largest proportion of Latinos (almost ii-thirds), with the remaining third distri furthered primarily among persons of Puerto Rican, Cuban, and pro put together American origin, (U.S. census Bureau, 2001b).It is no cleanorthy that nearly two-thirds of Hispanics (64 %) were born in the united States (U. S. number Bureau, 2000c). Another common bond is migration or immigration. Puerto Ricans began arriving in large be on the U. S. main nation after World W ar II as Puerto anti-racketeering laws population increase. High unemployment among displaced uncouth workers on the island also led to large-scale emigration to the mainland linked States that continued through the 1950s and 1960s.In the 1980s, the migration pattern became to a greater extent circular as much Puerto Ricans chose to return to the island. One typical characteristic of Puerto Rican migration is that the irregular Organic Act, or Jones Act, of 1917 granted Puerto Ricans U. S. citizenship. Although Cubans came to the unify States in the second one-half of the 19th century and in the early break-dance of the 20th century, the sterling(prenominal) influx of Cuban immigrants began after Fidel Castro overthrew the Fulgencio Batista brass in 1959.First, an elite group of Cubans came, but immigration continued with people fashioning the dangerous crossing to the unite States by makeshift watercraft (Bernal & Shapiro, 1996). slightly of these immigrants, such a s the improve professionals who came to the f only in States during the early phase of Cuban migration, rise up beat well established, where-as others who arrived with few stinting resources atomic number 18 less so. Unlike immigrants from several other countries, numerous Cubans restrain gained access to citizenship and federal official realise through their spot as semi govern genial refugees. telephone exchange Americans ar the newest Latino subgroup in the get together States. umpteen Central Americans fled their countries por la situacion, a phrase that bushels to the political terror and atrocities in their homelands. Although the busticularised neighborly, historical, and political contexts differ in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, conflicts in those countries led to a significant immigration of their citizens. About 21 sh argon of foreign-born Central Americans arrived in the unify States amid 1970 and 1979, and the bulk (about 70 %) arrived betw een 1980 and 1990 (Farias, 1994).The circumstances that spend a pennyd various Hispanic groups to migrate greatly influence their run through in the United States. Cubans fled a Communist government, and, as a result, the U. S. Government has provided support through refugee or entrant status, work permits (Gil & Vega, 1996), and citizenship. More than half (51 %) of Cuban immigrants stand become U. S. citizens, compargond to just 15 pct of Mexican immigrants (U. S. Census Bureau, 1998). Puerto Ricans, whether born on the mainland or in Puerto Rico, are by definition U.S. citizens and, as a result, fork up access to government-sponsored support services. However many Central American immigrants are not recognized as political refugees, despite the fact that the war- connect damage and terror that preceded their immigration whitethorn place them at full(prenominal) risk for post-traumatic puree discommode (PTSD) and whitethorn make valuation account to their new home more difficult. Many Latinos who arrive without proper catalogueation engage difficulty obtaining jobs or advancing in them and comprise with the chronic fear of deportation.Finally, many Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Central Americans, and late Cuban immigrants come as unskilled laborers or displaced agricultural workers who lack the complaisant and economic resources to ease their adjustment. Hispanics are highly concentrated in the U. S. Southwest In 2000, 60 portion sufferd in five southwest States (calcium, Arizona, unseasoned Mexico, Colorado, and Texas). Approximately half of all Hispanic Americans live in two States, California and Texas (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001b).While many Southwestern Latinos are recent immigrants, others are posterity of Mexican and Spanish good dealtlers who lived in the grunge originally it belonged to the United States. Some of these descendants, in particular those in parvenu Mexico and Colorado, refer to themselves as Hispanos. More recent i mmigrants from Mexico and Central America are drawn to the Southwest beca use of its law of proximity to their home countries, its employment opportunities, and its established Latino communities, which can financial aid them, find jobs. out of doors the Southwest, New York, Florida, and Illinois are home to the largest concentrations of Hispanics.New York has 8. 1 share, Florida, 7. 6 part, and Illinois, 4. 3 percent of all the Latinos estimated to reside in the United States in 2000 (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001b). two-thirds of Puerto Ricans on the mainland live in New York and New Jersey, and two-thirds of Cuban Americans live in Florida (Population Reference Bureau, 2000). Although specialised subgroups of Latinos are associated with specific geographical regions, weighty demographic shifts begin resulted in the change magnitude visibility of Latinos throughout the United States.From 1990 to 2000, Latinos more than doubled in number in the following sestet states Arkans as (170 %), Nevada (145 %), north-central Carolina (129 %), Georgia (120 %), Nebraska (108 %), and Tennessee (105 %) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000c). Of the six States, Nevada is the save one located in a region with traditionally high concentrations of Latinos. Thus, in addition to growing in numbers, Hispanic Americans are spreading throughout the United States. Latinos are very much referred to as family oriented (Sabogal et al. , 1987). It is weighty to timber that familism is as much a reflection of societal processes as of cultural pattern (Lopez & Guarnaccia, 2000).Specifically, the shared experience of immigrating to a new land or of experiencing difficult social conditions in ones homeland can promote adherence to family ties. In many cases, family connections facilitate survival and adjustment. The importance of family can be seen in Hispanic spiritedness arrangements. Although family characteristics vary by Latino subgroups, as a whole, Latinos, like Asian Americans and peaceable Islanders, are most credibly to live in family households and to the lowest degree likely to live alone.In addition, children (especially the females) tend to remain in the family until they marry Overall, Hispanics be possessed of less testis education than the discipline average. Of Latinos over 25 years of age, wholly(prenominal) 56 percent consent receive from high tutor, and only 11 percent defend graduate from college. soilally, 83 percent and 25 percent of the equivalent age group feel gradatory from high civilise and college independently (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). Hispanics educational attainment is tie in to to their place of birth.In 1999, only 44 percent of foreign-born Hispanic givings 25 years and sr. were high school graduates, compared to 70 percent of U. S. -born Hispanic adults (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). The dropout rate for foreign-born Hispanics ages 16 to 24 is more than twice the dropout rate for U. S. -born Hispanics i n the same age range (Kaufman et al. , 1999). A recent choose of middle school Latino students questions why foreign-born adolescents and adults take away the worst educational outcomes (C. Suarez-Orozco & M. Suarez-Orozco, 1995).The line of business think that recent immigrants from Mexico and El Salvador had at least the same, or in most cases greater motivation to achieve than white or U. S. -born Mexican American students. The educational achievement of tercet of the main Hispanic subgroups reveals further variability. Cubans have the highest percentage of formally educated people. Of persons over 25 years of age, 70 percent of Cuban Americans have graduated from high school, whereas 64 percent of Puerto Ricans and 50 percent of Mexican Americans have graduated from high school (U. S.Census Bureau, 2000d).Moreover, one-fourth of Cuban Americans have graduated from college, which is identical to the college get-go rate of Americans overall. In stemma, Puerto Rican and Me xican-origin adults have set about college graduation range, 11 percent and 7 percent respectively. Although Latinos as a group have vileer educational outcomes than other ethnic groups, there is sufficient variability to bear hope for them to catch up. Another shared neighborhood is income. The economic status of three of the main subgroups parallels their educational status.Cuban Americans are more affluent in standing than Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans, as reflected in median(prenominal) family incomes (Cubans, $39,530 Puerto Ricans, $28,953 Mexicans, $27,883), the percentage of persons downstairs the poverty line (Puerto Ricans, 31 % Mexicans, 27 % Cubans, 14 %) and the unemployment evaluate of persons 16 years and fourth-year (Puerto Ricans, 7 % Mexicans, 7 % Cubans, 5 %) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000d). The certain income levels of the Latino subgroups are also related to the political and historical circumstances of their immigration.elite group Cuban immigrants have contributed in part to the relatively strong economic status of Cuban Americans. Their experience, however, stands in stark contrast to that of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Central Americans, most of who came to the United States as unskilled laborers. Historical and sociocultural Factors That Relate to Mental Health Historical and sociocultural federal agents suggest that, as a group, Latinos are in great need of psychical health services. Latinos, on average, have relatively low educational and economic status.In addition, historical and social subgroup differences attain differential needs within Latino groups. Central Americans whitethorn be in particular need of psychical health services wedded the trauma experience in their home countries. Puerto Rican and Mexican American children and adults may be at a higher risk than Cuban Americans for cordial health capers, given their displace educational and economic resources. Recent immigrants of all backgr ounds, who are adapting to the United States, are likely to experience a different set of stressors than semipermanent Hispanic residents.Key Issues for Understanding the inquiry Much of our menstruum understanding of the psychogenic health status of Latinos, particularly among adult populations, is derived from epidemiologic studies of preponderance rank of genial maladys, diagnostic entities established by the diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM American Psychiatric Association, 1994). The advantage of foc utilise on rates of disorders is that such findings can be compared with and contrasted to findings from studies in other domains (e. g. , clinical studies) using the same diagnostic criteria.Although there are several advantages to examining DSM-based clinical data, there are at least three disadvantages. One demarcation is that individuals may experience colossal distraint-a level of mourning that disrupts their daily functioning-but the sympt oms associated with the tribulation fall short of a given diagnostic threshold. So, if only disorder criteria are utilise, many individuals need for psychic health care may not be recognized. A second disadvantage is that the current definitions of the diagnostic entities have little tractableness to take into account culturally simulate forms of distress and disorder.As a result, disorders in need of give-and-take may not be recognized or may be mislabeled. A third limitation is that most of the epidemiological studies using the disorder-based definitions are conducted in community household surveys. They overlook to acknowledge nonhousehold members, such as persons without homes or those who reside in institutions. Because of these limitations, it is important to go the review of seek on rational health needs to include not only studies that report on disorders but include high-need populations not usually include in household-based surveys.Mental Disorders Adults A st udy undercoat that Mexican Americans and white Americans had very resembling rates of psychiatric disorders (Robins & Regier, 1991). However, when the Mexican American group was separated into two sub-groups, those born in Mexico and those born in the United States, it was constitute that those born in the United States had higher rates of embossment and phobias than those born in Mexico (Burnam et al. , 1987). The study ground that relative to whites, Mexican Americans had fewer animation disorders overall and fewer anxiety and internality use disorders.Like some other findings, Mexican Americans born outside the United States were anchor to have visit prevalence rates of any liveliness disorders than Mexican Americans born in the United States. intercourse to whites, the lifetime prevalence rates did not differ for Puerto Ricans, or for Other Hispanics. However, the sample distribution sizes of the latter two subgroups were quite small, therefrom limiting the statis tical power to receive group differences (Ortega et al. , 2000).A third study examined rates of psychiatric disorders in a large sample of Mexican Americans residing in Fresno County, California (Vega et al. , 1998). This study found that the lifetime rates of mental disorders among Mexican American immigrants born in Mexico were remarkably lower than the rates of mental disorders among Mexican Americans born in the United States. Overall, approximately 25 percent of the Mexican immigrants had some disorder (including both mental disorders and total iniquity), whereas 48 percent of the U. S.-born Mexican Americans had a disorder (Vega et al. , 1998). Furthermore, the length of time that these Latinos had spent in the United States come forthed to be an important factor in the development of mental disorders. Immigrants who had lived in the United States for at least 13 years had higher prevalence rates of disorders than those who had lived in the United States fewer than 13 year s (Vega et al. , 1998). It is interesting to note that the mental disorder prevalence rates of U. S. -born Mexican Americans closely resembled the rates among the widely distributed U.S. population.In contrast, the Mexican-born Fresno residents lower prevalence rates were similar to those found in a Mexico metropolis study (e. g. , for any affective disorder Fresno, 8 %, Mexico City, 9 %) (Caraveo-Anduaga et al. , 1999). Together, the results from the ECA, the NCS, and the Fresno studies suggest that Mexican-born Latinos have better mental health than do U. S. -born Mexican Americans and the national sample overall. A similar pattern has been found in other sets of studies.One study examined the mental health of Mexicans and Mexican Americans who were seen in family practice settings in two towns equidistant from the Mexican border (Hoppe et al. , 1991). This investigation found that 8 percent of the Mexican American participants had undergo a lifetime episode of impression, wher eas only 4 percent of Mexican participants had experience economic crisis. The most striking finding from the set of adult epidemiological studies using diagnostic measures is that Mexican immigrants, Mexican immigrants who lived fewer than 13 years in the United States, or Puerto.Ricans who resided on the island of Puerto Rico had lower prevalence rates of imprint and other disorders than did Mexican Americans who were born in the United States, Mexican immigrants who lived in the United States 13 years or more, or Puerto Ricans who lived on the mainland. This logical pattern of findings across independent investigators, different sites, and two Latino subgroups (Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans) suggests that factors associated with supporting in the United States are related to an increased risk of mental disorders.Some authors have interpreted these findings as suggesting that finish may lead to an increased risk of mental disorders e. g. , Vega et al. , 1998. The limi tation of this explanation is that none of the far-famed epidemiological studies directly tested whether acculturation and prevalence rates are hence related. At best, place of birth and numbers of years living in the United States are proxy measures of acculturation. However, acculturation is a complex process (LaFromboise et al. , 1993) it is not overhaul what aspect or aspects of acculturation could be related to higher rates of disorders.Is it the changing cultural rates and practices, the stressors associated with such changes, or negative bechances with American institutions (e. g. , schools or employers) that cause some of the different prevalence rates (Betancourt & Lopez, 1993)? Before acculturation can be accepted as an explanation for this observed pattern of findings, it is important that direct tests of specific acculturation processes be carried out and that selection explanations for these findings be ruled out. More seek would be especially helpful in identi fying the key predictors of Latinos mental health and mental nausea.Older Adults Few studies have examined the mental health status of older Hispanic American adults. A study of 703 Los Angeles area Hispanics age 60 or supra found over 26 percent had major drop-off or dysphoria. falling off was related to physical health only 5. 5 percent of those without physical health complications describe feeling (Kemp et al. , 1987). Similar findings associated chronic health conditions and disability with depressive symptoms in a sample of 2,823 older community-dwelling Mexican Americans (Black et al. , 1998).The findings from in-home interviews of 2,723 Mexican Americans age 65 or older in Southwestern communities revealed a blood between low blood insistence and higher levels of depressive symptomatology (Stroup-Benham et al. , 2000). These data are sensibly difficult to interpret. Given the fact that bodied symptoms (e. g. , difficulty kiping and loss of appetite) are related to poor health, these studies could simply document that these somatic symptoms are elevated among older Hispanics who are ill. On the other hand, figurehead of physical illness is also related to depression.Taken together, these findings indicate that older Latin/Hispanics who have health problems may be at risk for depression. Furthermore, a recent study suggests that the risk for Alzheimers infirmity may be higher among Latin/Hispanic Americans than among white Americans (Tang et al. , 1998). Symptoms The early epidemiological studies of Latinos/Hispanics examined the number of symptoms, not the number of mental disorders, inform by groups of Latin/ Hispanic Americans, and in some cases compared them to the number of symptoms reported by white Americans.Much of this research found that Latinos/Hispanics had higher rates of depression or distress than whites Frerichs et al. , 1981. In a large-scale study of Latin/ Hispanics Americans, Cuban Americans (Narrow et al. , 1990) and Mex ican Americans (Moscicki et al. , 1989) were found to have lower rates of depressive symptoms than Puerto Ricans from the New York City metropolitan area Moscicki et al. , 1987 Potter et al. , 1995. In other line of inquiry, Latin/Hispanic American mothers who have children with mental retardation were found to report high levels of depressive symptomatology.It is important to note that measures of symptoms may reflect actual disorders that may not be measured in a given study, as well as general distress associated with social stressors but not necessarily associated with disorders. Two studies provide evidence that depressive symptom indices used with Latinos tend to measure distress more than disorder. In one study, rates of depressive symptoms were found to be similar among poor Puerto Ricans living in New York City and in Puerto Rico (Vera et al. , 1991), even though in the first place analyses indicated different rates of major depression for the two samples Canino et al., 1 987 Moscicki et al. , 1987.In the second study, symptoms of depression were less related to diagnosis of depression for those Hispanics who were economically disadvantaged than for those Hispanics more socially advantaged (Cho et al. , 1993). If an index of depressive symptoms were an indicator of both general distress and disorder, then that index would have been related to a diagnosis of depression for both economically advantaged and disadvantaged samples. Culture-Bound Syndromes DSM-IV recognizes the reality of culturally related syndromes, referred to in the appurtenance of DSM as culture-bound syndromes.Relevant examples of these syndromes for Latin/Hispanic Americans are susto (fright), nervios (nerves), and mal de ojo (evil eye). One expression of distress that is most commonly associated with Caribbean Latinos but has been recognized in other Latinos as well is ataques de nervios (Guarnaccia et al. , 1989). Symptoms of an ataque de nervios include screaming uncontrollably , crying, trembling, and verbal or physical aggression. Dissociative experiences, seizure-like or fainting episodes, and suicidal gestures are also prominent in some ataques.In one study carried out in Puerto Rico, researchers found that 14 percent of the population reported having had ataques (Guarnaccia et al. , 1993). Furthermore, in detailed interviews of 121 individuals living in Puerto Rico (78 of who had had an ataque), experiencing these symptoms was related to major life problems and incidental psychological suffering (Guarnaccia et al. , 1996). There is prize in identifying specific culture-bound syndromes such as ataques de nervios because it is critical to recognize the existence of fantasyions of distress and illness outside traditional psychiatric classification systems.These are often referred to as popular, lay, or common aesthesis conceptions of illness or illness behavior (Koss-Chioino & Canive, 1993). Some of these popular conceptions may have what appear to be definable boundaries, while others are more fluid and cut across a wide range of symptom clusters. For example, many people of Mexican origin apply the more general concept of nervios to distress that is not associated with DSM disorders, as well as to distress that is associated with anxiety disorders, depressive disorders (Salgado de Snyder et al., 2000), and schizophrenia (Jenkins, 1988).Though it is valuable for researchers and clinicians alike to learn about specific culture-bound syndromes, it is more important that they assess variable local representations of illness and distress. The latter approach casts a wider mesh around understanding the role of culture in illness and distress. In the following quote, Koss-Chioino (1992) (page 198) horizontal surfaces out that a given presenting problem can have multiple levels of interlingual rendition the mental health view, the folk improve view (in this case, spiritist), and the patients view.The same woman, during one epis ode of illness, may experience depression in terms of hallucinations, poor or excessive appetite, memory problems, and feelings of somberness or depression, if she presents to a mental health clinic or, alternatively, in terms of backaches, leg aches, and fear, if she attends a Spiritist session. However, she will probably experience headaches, sleep disturbances, and nervousness regardless of the resource she uses. If we encounter her at the mental health clinic, she may explain her distress as due(p) to disordered or out-of-control mind, behavior, or lifestyle.In the Spiritist session she will probably have her distress explained as an obsession. And if we encounter her before she seeks help from both of these treatment resources, she may describe her problems as due to difficulties with her preserve or children. Individuals with Alcohol and Drug Problems Studies have consistently shown that rates of substance annoyance are linked with rates of mental disorders (Kessler et a l. , 1996). Most studies of alcohol use among Hispanics indicate that rates of use are either similar to or slightly below those of whites (Kessler et al. , 1994).However, two factors influence these rates. First, gender differences in rates of Latinos use are often greater than the gender differences observed between whites. Latinas are particularly unlikely to use alcohol or drugs (Gilbert, 1987). In some cases, Latino men are more likely to use substances than white men. For example, in the Los Angeles ECA study, Mexican American men (31 %) had importantly higher rates of alcohol scream and dependence than non-Hispanic white men (21 %). In addition, more alcohol-related problems have been found among Mexican American men than among white men (Cunradi et al., 1999).A second factor associated with Latinos rates of substance misuse is place of birth. In the Fresno study (Vega et al. , 1998), rates of substance abuse were much higher among U. S. -born Mexican Americans compared to Mexican immigrants. Specifically, substance abuse rates were sevener times higher among U. S. -born women compared to immigrant women. For men, the ratio was 2 to 1. U. S. -born Mexican American youth also had higher rates of substance abuse than Mexican-born youth (Swanson et al. , 1992).The study of mental disorders and substance abuse among Latinos suggests two specific types of mediums that Latinos may have. First, as noted, Latino adults who are immigrants have lower prevalence rates of mental disorders than those born in the United States. Among the competing explanations of these findings is that Latino immigrants may be particularly bouncy in the face of the hardships they encounter in settling in a new country. If this is the case, then the identification of what these immigrants do to stretch the likelihood of mental disorders could be of value for all Americans.One of many attainable factors that might contribute to their resilience is what Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-O rozco (1995) refer to as a dual surround of abduce. Investigators found that Latino immigrants in middle-school often used their families back home as reference aims in assessing their lives in the United States. Given that the social and economic conditions are often much worse in their homelands than in the United States, they may experience less distress in use the stressors of their daily lives than those who lack such a basis of comparison.U. S. -born Latinos are more likely to compare themselves with their peers in the United States. Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco plead that these Latino children are more aware of what they do not have and then may experience more distress. A second factor noted by the Suarez-Orozcos that might be related to the resilience of Latino immigrants is their high aspiration to adopt. oddly noteworthy is that many Latinos want to succeed in order to help their families, kinda than for their own personal benefit.Because the Suarez-Orozcos did not include measures of mental health, it is not certain whether their observations about school achievement apply to mental health. Nevertheless, a dual frame of reference and collective achievement goals are part of a complex set of psychological, cultural, and social factors that may explain why some Latino immigrants function better than Latinos of afterwards generations. A second type of strength noted in the literature is how Latino families be intimate with mental illness.Guarnaccia and colleagues (1992) found that some families draw on their spirituality to cope with a relatives serious mental illness. Strong beliefs in perfection give some family members a sense of hope. For example, in reference to her brothers mental illness, one of the informants commented We all have an invisible doctor that we do not see, no? This doctor is perfection. Always when we go in search of a medicine, we go to a doctor, but we must honor in mind that this doctor is excite by God an d that he will give us something that will help us.We must also keep in mind that who really does the curing is God, and that God can cure us of anything that we have, substantive or spiritual. (p. 206) Jenkins (1988) found that many Mexican Americans attributed their relatives schizophrenia to nervios, a combination of both physical and emotional ailments. An important point here is that nervios implies that the patient is not blameworthy, and therefrom family members are less likely to be critical. Previous studies from largely non-Hispanic samples have found that both family critical review and family blame and criticism together (Lopez et al., 1999) are associated with slip by in patients with schizophrenia.Mexican American families living with a relative who has schizophrenia are not only less likely to be critical, but also those who are communicatory immigrants have been found to be high in warmth. This is important because those patients who returned from a infirmary st ay to a family high in warmth were less likely to relapse than those who returned to families low in warmth. Thus, Mexican American families warmth may help shelter the relative with schizophrenia from relapse.The spirituality of Latino families, their conceptions of mental illness and their warmth all contribute to the support they give in coping with serious mental illness. Although limited, the circumspection given to Latinos possible strengths is an important division to the study of Latino mental health. Strengths are protective factors against distress and disorder and can be used to develop interventions to disallow mental disorders and to promote well-being. Such interventions could be used to inform interventions for all Americans, not just Latinos.In addition, redirecting attention to strengths helps point out the overemphasis researchers and practitioners give to pathology, clinical entities, and treatment, quite than to health, well-being, and prevention. Availabili ty of Mental Health serve Finding mental health treatment from communicatory providers is likely to be a problem for many Spanish-speaking Hispanics. In the 1990 census, about 40 percent of Latinos reported that they either didnt speak side of meat or didnt speak slope well. Thus, a significant proportion of Latinos need.Spanish-speaking mental health care providers. concisely there are no national data to indicate the language skills of the Nations mental health professionals. However, a few studies reveal that there are few Spanish-speaking and Latino providers. One survey of 1,507 school psychologists who carry out psychoeducational assessments of bilingual children in the eight States with the highest percentages of Latinos found that 43 percent of the psychologists identified themselves as English-speaking monolinguals (Ochoa et al. , 1996). In other words, a large number of Engli.